Background Music As an Influence in Consumer Mood and Advertising Responses

Judy I. Alpert, St. Edwards University
Mark I. Alpert, The University of Texas at Austin
ABSTRACT - Consumers' moods and emotional responses to advertisements have received increased attention from consumer researchers. A major component influencing audience responses is background music accompanying commercials. This paper reviews key research on the role of music's structural elements in influencing audience responses, from a music theory perspective, and highlights major findings relevant to emotional responses to music. A study is presented that suggests audience moods and purchase intentions may be affected by background music, without necessarily affecting intervening cognitions. Directions for future research and generalization are discussed.
[ to cite ]:
Judy I. Alpert and Mark I. Alpert (1989) ,"Background Music As an Influence in Consumer Mood and Advertising Responses", in NA - Advances in Consumer Research Volume 16, eds. Thomas K. Srull, Provo, UT : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 485-491.

Advances in Consumer Research Volume 16, 1989      Pages 485-491


Judy I. Alpert, St. Edwards University

Mark I. Alpert, The University of Texas at Austin


Consumers' moods and emotional responses to advertisements have received increased attention from consumer researchers. A major component influencing audience responses is background music accompanying commercials. This paper reviews key research on the role of music's structural elements in influencing audience responses, from a music theory perspective, and highlights major findings relevant to emotional responses to music. A study is presented that suggests audience moods and purchase intentions may be affected by background music, without necessarily affecting intervening cognitions. Directions for future research and generalization are discussed.


This paper examines the relationship of music and consumers' moods, attitudes, and behaviors. A seminal paper in the Journal of Marketing by Gorn (1982) studied music's influence from a classical conditioning perspective and sparked renewed interest in music and other "background" elements of commercials and stores. The present paper will discuss, integrate, and build upon the work of Gorn and others who have provided theoretical and empirical insight into the ways in which music may influence consumer responses.

The purposes of this paper are to: 1) review major conceptual bases relevant to discussing music and other non-verbal influences on mood, as well as theory regarding the roles of informational and cognitive vs. non-cognitive means of influencing buyer behavior; 2) expand upon existing research to investigate whether background music can influence moods and common measures of advertising effectiveness; 3) begin to derive principles for predicting these effects, given analysis of the musical content of an ad; 4) provide some suggestions for the construction of effective musical influences on emotions and product orientations; and 5) indicate directions for future investigations of musical content of advertising and testing of its influence.


In a recent paper (Gardner 1985), mood was defined as a fleeting, temporary feeling state, usually not intense, and not tied to a specifiable behavior. Moods can be positive or negative, such as cheeriness, peacefulness, or guilt and depression. According to Clark and Isen (1982), feeling states are general, pervasive, and occur frequently, and do not usually interrupt on-going behavior. Feeling states or moods are distinguished from emotions, which are usually more intense, obvious, and are said to involve a cognitive component. A number of studies have shown that mood has an impact on attitudes and behavior. One useful framework for integrating affect and emotional communication influences is that of central and peripheral information processing.

Central and Peripheral Processing

Petty, Cacioppo, and Schumann's review of research in psychology and consumer psychology (1983) concludes that neither central nor peripheral information processing alone can explain the diversity of attitude change results observed. The critical feature of the central route views attitude change as resulting from diligent consideration of information a person views as central to the merits of an issue Of product. Research following this route focuses on the familiar topics of cognitive consistency, cognitive algebra, perception, learning, retention, and a series of related issues. Petty, et al. have presented research and arguments supporting the relevance of central route processing of information under conditions of high involvement.

They contrast this approach with a more peripheral route, in which attitude change is due to the presence of simple positive or negative cues, or simple decision rules, and attitudes are less affected by issue-relevant arguments. In both routes, information or stimuli may be conveyed visually, verbally, or in source/message characteristics. What distinguishes the route seems to be the amount of conscious information processing, weighing of evidence, and the like. It is believed that peripheral processing is likely under conditions of low cognitive involvement, as the lower motivation to process information via the central route may evoke simpler heuristics and cues to attitude formation (Petty et al. 1983).

Affect and Behavior Conditioning Via Peripheral Processing

A stream of conditioning research in which direct transfer of affect (or liking) results from message execution tactics such as music, humor, visual imagery, color, and sex has been shown to influence consumers' feeling states (e.g. Gorn 1982; Watson and Rayner 1920). This research suggests that pairing a conditioned stimulus (a brand) with an unconditioned stimulus (e.g., music, humor) produces emotional responses which may then be associated with the brand. Here, attitude change is alleged to have occurred due to the presence of simple positive or negative cues, without the necessity of intervening cognitive reactions. In fact, many have argued for and/or demonstrated behavioral change due to conditioning stimuli, even without attitude or preference change (Kroeber-Riel 1984,; Allen and Madden 1985; Staats and Staats 1957; Zajonc 1968; Zajonc, Markus, and Wilson 1974). This may be especially relevant to non-informational, low involvement ads, where there is minimal motivation for cognitive processing, and the goal is to leave consumers with a favorable (but not necessarily conscious) "feeling" toward the product. When a product does not possess objective advantages, and is a simple product with few attributes, persuasion may be more successful by using background features such as visual imagery or music (Batra and Ray 1983). In addition, visual and other non-verbal aspects of an ad fit in well under low involvement conditions because they are effective in generating feelings, and because they are more easily and quickly processed than verbal stimuli (Zajonc 1980; Paivio 1971).

On the other hand, there is diversity of opinion whether feelings automatically transfer between stimuli (affective conditioning), or if affective states can influence attention and perception by affecting audiences' moods and prompt cognitive activity. At this point no definite conclusions can be made whether or not cognitions are included in original affective reactions, although the assertion that cognitive participation is not necessary for the occurrence of affect has been made (Zajonc 1980; Zajonc and Markus 1982; and Kroeber-Riel 1984) and countered by others (Lazarus, 1982, 1984; Tsal 1985). Where feelings are concerned, there can be arguments supporting their effects coming through central as well as peripheral processing. Indeed, both processing routes may be involved to one degree or another, leading to variations in the resulting patterns of "stimulus--perceptions--beliefs--attitude--behavioral intention--behavior." A view of this phenomenon from a mood perspective is presented next.


Research has shown that mood states have an important influence on behavior, evaluation, and recall (Gardner 1985). While this general conclusion may not hold in all cases, Gardner notes that mood states appear to bias evaluations and judgments in similar directions to mood, and she reviews studies detailing this process.

The association between mood states and affective responses, judgments, and behavior can be seen as both direct and indirect. A direct affective reaction may be viewed as a conditioned response when there are direct linkages in associations in memory between mood states and affective reactions (Griffitt and Guay 1969), and mood states and behavior (see Gardner 1985 for references). Indirect associations between feeling states and affective responses and/or behavior include the influence of information processing, or cognitive activity. Mood may affect evaluations by evoking mood-congruent thoughts and affect the performance of the behavior by increasing the accessibility of positive associations to the behavior (Clark and Isen 1982; Goldberg and Gorn 1987; Isen et al. 1978). To the extent that associations are direct and involve little conscious information processing, mood's effects may be seen as via the peripheral route. Indirect associations may operate via the central route when other salient cues are processed to yield attitudes in a manner affected by mood.

The likelihood that a host of behaviors may be performed appear to be enhanced by positive moods (Gardner 1985). Negative moods' effects on behavior may be more complex than the effects of positive moods (Isen 1984; Donnerstein, Donnerstein, and Munger 1975; Cialdini and Kenrick 1976). For example, helping may be enhanced by some negative mood states such as sadness (Baumann, Cialdini, and Kenrick 1981) and not by others such as frustration. This may be due to some evidence that negative mood states are not as homogeneous as positive ones (Isen 1984), and that behaviors seen to reverse unpleasant mood states (e.g., helping) may overcome tendencies to enact mood-congruent behavior (e.g., withdrawal).

Moods can be affected by many different variables. Gardner and Vandersteel (1984) discuss studies of independent variables found to induce mood states. Although much work has been accomplished in the study of mood induction, there remains a need for more theory regarding the reasons why communications (and other inducers) influence moods.

In view of the fact that music is a common element in commercials, and one which has a long history of mood inducement in a variety of contexts, the next section will briefly review how music has been used as an independent variable to effect moods, as well as other dependent variables of interest to marketers. Additional references, a comparative exhibit for these studies, and methodological details are available from the authors.

Music Effects

Music has been used in consumer behavior research, as well as communications, psychology and music therapy research to determine its effects on behavior, preference, and mood. Research investigating music effects may be divided into those which analyzed and/or manipulated the structural and the sound elements of music and those which did not. Structural elements refer to the properties making up musical sound such as melody, rhythm, harmony, major or minor modality, dynamics, and tempo.

Non-Structural Musical Studies

Gorn (1982) suggests that peripheral influences such as background music used in commercials may become associated with the advertised product (in memory even if not consciously), and influence product choice through classical conditioning. Mere exposure did not lead to liking, which apparently depended on whether the target product was presented with liked vs. disliked music. Gorn's second experiment supported his hypothesis that when subjects were not in a decision making mode, the commercial's impact appeared to be more influential in its appeal when presented with musical background as opposed to product information. He concluded that through classical conditioning, the product becomes associated with the positive feelings of liked music.

Bierley, McSweeney, and Vannieuwkerk (1985) extended Gorn's studies. Preference ratings for stimuli that "predicted" (preceded) pleasant music were significantly greater than preference ratings for stimuli that predicted the absence of music. In another extension of Gorn's work, researchers questioned the theory of affective-conditioning and suggested the mood position theory of Bower (1981) and Isen (1984) as a possible explanation (Allen and Madden 1985). Results indicated that there was an interaction between subjects' thought processes and the moods invoked by the "background" stimulus in the ad (in their case, liked vs. disliked humor). Music in advertising's possible effects on audience moods may thus complicate the effects of "simple" conditioning by the music.

Park and Young (1986) extended this work by examining the impact of music vs. no music on attitude toward the brand, the ad, and behavioral intention under conditions of high cognitive, high affective, and low involvement towards the advertising situation. Under high cognitive involvement, they found music to be a distraction, lowering these dependent variable scores, because it was unrelated to attribute-based message contents. In the low involvement condition, they found that music (which had been preselected as popular and liked) was associated with more positive attitudes towards the brand than was no music. Under high affective involvement, the expected positive effect of music on brand attitude was not found, probably because the music selected did not really fit the image of the product and affective theme.

Since many commercials are viewed in situations which involve consumers who are interested in the programs, and not in the commercials, the audience may be largely comprised of potentially uninvolved, nondecision making consumers rather than cognitively active problem solvers. In this context, emotionally arousing components such as music, colors, or lighting may exert strong but subtle influence on viewers' product attitudes and choices. Some of this impact may come via associations conditioned and linked to the advertised products. Others may come through an indirect route resulting from music's influence (for example) on respondents' mood and other emotional responses, which in turn affect information processing.

An illustration of music's power to affect subjects' emotional responses was reported in a study by Rhoner and Miller (1980), where sedative music showed a trend to decrease anxiety. Subjects had greater affective arousal, persuasion affect, and attitudinal acceptance of the song's message with guitar accompaniment than without guitar accompaniment (Galizio and Hendrick 1972). Thus changes in the presentation of music influenced subjects' responses.

Structural Music Studies

The above studies have provided some insights into the effects of liked music on brand attitudes under some conditions. However, a recent replication of the Gorn study (1982) by Kellaris and Cox (1987) failed to reproduce the positive effect of liked vs. disliked music, after controlling for musical structural elements and possible demand effects. They call for research on the influence of music's structural characteristics on cognitive and affective responses (e.g., mood) toward the ad and the product.

A study by Milliman (1982) suggests that slow tempo of instrumental background music can significantly slow the pace of in-store traffic flow of supermarket customers, as opposed to fast tempo. In a follow-up study diners stayed longer and consumed more alcoholic beverages when slow tempo instrumental background music was playing than when fast tempo instrumental music was used (Milliman 1986). An early study dealing with the question of music's effect on shopping behavior found that significantly less time was spent in the stores when the music was loud compared to when it was soft (Smith and Curnow 1966).

Infante and Berg (1979) investigated the effects of using two identical melodies, one in major, and one in minor, on perceptions of communications. Major modality had the greatest positive effect on viewers' perceptions when facial expressions were sad or neutral, and when a situation was unpleasant. Music modality did nol affect perception of a happy facial expression nor how favorable a pleasant situation was perceived by viewers.

The key basic research relating musical elements to emotional responses was reported by Hevner (1935), who presented subjects with identical pieces, controlling for all elements but major and minor modes. She concluded that all of the historically affirmed characteristics of the two modes were confirmed in her study. In later research, she also reported associations between musical elements such as fast tempo, loud dynamics, lively and varied rhythm, and high register with perceptions of the music as happy, merry, graceful, playful. Musical elements such as slower tempo, quiet dynamics, unvaried rhythm, and low register were reported to be sad, dreamy, and sentimental (Hevner 1935, 1936). She noted that, although mode is never the sole factor which determines the way music is perceived, it is the most stable, generally understood, and influential of any of the elements in expressing the affective mood of music.

Meyer's (1956) theory of deviations from expectations in music supports Hevner's findings. He explained that expectations of more regular and typical musical progressions occur in the major mode, and therefore are associated with the more normal emotional states of contentment and calm. The minor mode usually has more forceful, complex, ambiguous departures from tones found in major scales. These deviations have become associated in western culture with (also less frequent) feelings of sadness, anguish, and suffering (or other atypical feelings such as agitation). Minor modes also tended to be played in slower tempi because their disjunct melodies with unusual skips were technically more difficult to play or sing rapidly.


The design for the present study involves exposing subjects to a range of musical "mood" selections and a range of mood-evoking products within a given category. We test for the effect on subjects' moods and product evaluations of presenting products accompanied by music with varying musical structural profiles. Following from the music research reviewed above, it is expected that:

H1: All else equal, music whose structural profile is "happy" will influence listener moods to become more positive than music analyzed a priori as "sad."

In addition, we believe that music evokes emotional responses, which may inhibit cognitive processing in the context of an ad with little objective product information. In this instance developing attitudes might not require as much focused mental processing, and is consistent with the classical conditioning framework. In fact, it has been argued and shown that behavior may emerge without the necessity for clearly developed attitudes. Thus, from a conditioning perspective, we might hypothesize that music structure, if it has impact on subjects' mood, would be more likely to cause variability in purchase intentions, and to a lesser extent, on perceived attributes and evaluations of the cards. Therefore:

H2: Variations in musical structure may not necessarily influence perceptions of the "happiness" or "sadness" of the greeting cards.

H3: Variations in musical structure may not necessarily influence overall attitude towards the greeting cards.

H4: Variations in musical structure will influence behavioral intentions towards the greeting cards.

The subject would, in effect, be induced into a happy or sad mood while looking at cards and hearing happy or sad music in the background. If this mood is appropriate to the one which s/he feels when thinking about communicating with a friend who is away, then the subject may FEEL this card as appropriate in expressing feelings, even if the card itself is not consciously, cognitively processed as "happy" or "sad". When conditioning behavioral responses appears to be contingent upon stimulus-feeling association, as in this instance, it may reflect a low-cognitive and peripheral processing situation.


Three different friendship greeting cards were used as conditioned stimuli, pre-tested and rated as happy, sad, and neutral. Three cards per subject were used in order to improve statistical power through repeated measures, as well as improve generality by sampling from the domain of emotional range for greeting cards. Thirty-five millimeter black and white slides of these cards were used to present them to subjects in the main experiment, accompanied by music.

Next, 10 relatively unfamiliar and stylistically similar piano Preludes were selected from Book I of J.S. Bach's Well Tempered Clavier. Two pieces rated by subjects as unfamiliar and approximately equally liked but having the Gestalts of happy and sad were analyzed for music structure. Elements analyzed included the number of major and minor harmonies occurring on the strong beats (Hevner 1935), fast and slow tempi, loud versus more quiet dynamics, and fast, lively, energetic, versus slower, listless, unvaried rhythms. Supporting Hevner's earlier findings, the two pieces rated as happy vs. sad appeared to be those which had internal definiteness and uniformity in harmony, tempo, dynamics, and rhythm. Each of the elements was close to ends of the spectrum that would be associated with happy vs. sad music, in a consistent and typical profile for each type.

Design and Procedure

The experimental subjects were students in three Principles of Marketing classes (the groups). The design was a mixed factorial, with repeated measures on 2 factors (card and music) and between subjects for the third factor (group). The key treatment manipulation was the sad, vs. happy, vs. no music, paired with different cards, since each group heard the same musical selections randomly matched with identical greeting cards. Across the three groups, each music type appeared 1st, 2nd, and 3rd an equal number of times to balance for order of musical exposure.

Each treatment session was given once during regularly scheduled class periods. Each group heard the experimenter's introduction explaining that the researchers were interested in consumers' preferences for greeting cards and their feelings about their advertisements. They were asked to view the simulated greeting card ads, some of which would be accompanied by music such as might be found in a commercial.

Next. the measures were explained and two trial runs of the mood monitor were administered along with sample cards and music. Each trial was followed by practice ratings of the subject's mood, perceived attributes of the greeting card, including overall impression and purchase intention. Then came the first treatment card and music combination, during which subjects used the mood monitor. Subjects then rated card attributes, evaluations, and purchase intention. Measures were obtained between treatments, to lessen memory problems and mitigate moods of prior treatment levels. The second and third cards were seen next with the appropriate musical background, accompanied by the same measurements.


Prior to the treatment, subjects were told that the researchers were interested in how they feel while viewing the ads. The mood monitor used here is an adaptation of the warmth monitor developed and used by Aaker, Stayman, and Hagerty (1986). It had five scale labels to reflect feelings of "sad, moderately sad, neutral, moderately happy, and happy." Subjects moved a pencil down the paper, to the left (sad), or to the right (happy), while viewing the card and hearing the corresponding music, indicating how sad or happy their feelings were at any given time. The monitor was scaled from 0 (sad) to 100 (happy), depending on the pencil line's height from the left anchor, and readings were taken at five evenly spaced percentiles of the respondent's drawn line. Since the illustration was constant, as was the prevailing musical mood throughout the 30 second excerpt, we defined subject mood as the average of five scores.

Following the exposure to stimulus slides and music and the simultaneous measurement of mood, respondents turned the page and evaluated the greeting card on ten semantic differentials. Imbedded in this instrument of mostly "placebo" characteristics of cards (e.g., "original - unoriginal") was a scale designed to measure the perceived mood of the card, scaled as happy _:_:_:_:_ sad. The next two measures were overall impression: favorable _:_:_:_:_:_ unfavorable and purchase intention: "If you were going to send a card to a friend, how likely is it that you would buy this card?" would buy it _:_:_:_:_:_ would not buy it.


To restrict the sample to those for whom the product had relevance, persons who did not purchase greeting cards were discarded from the analysis, leaving 48 usable subjects. An SPSS partial factorial ANOVA, with repetitions within subjects, was run to test for differences across groups, as well as cards, and music types, for each dependent variable (Nie and Hull 1981). None of the variables had different mean responses across the three different groups, indicating that all groups responded similarly to the same cards and music conditions. This is useful for two reasons: 1) it enables the analysis of main effects for music and cards in MANOVA and single ANOVAs, which would have been confounded by between-group differences, if present, and 2) it enables a test for interactions between music and card effects (Edwards 1972, chapter 16, and Hayes 1985). Normally partial factorial designs assume no interactions. However, repeated measures and absence of differences due to the "groups" blocking variable enable the use of 2-way ANOVA to test for interaction between music and card treatments.

The repeated measures MANOVAs showed that musical background and greeting card variations had approximately equal influence on the overall profiles of responses. Wilks' Lambda for music was .847 (p = .031) and .850 (p = .033) for cards. The music x card interaction was insignificant. Each dependent variable was then examined with 2-way ANOVAs, computed with BMDP 2V, incorporating the repeated measures within subjects. Music had a significant effect on the subjects' moods (F = 6.07, p <.01), as did the greeting cards (F = 3.13, p <.05). Happy music produced the highest average mood monitor scores (60.5), followed by no music (53.0) and sad music (50.9), and did so for two of the three cards. For the multiple comparison tests, happy music produced an average subject mood that was higher than either of the other two music conditions. Thus, H1 was confirmed.

This pattern was different for perceptions of the card's "mood" per se. The different cards were seen as differently "happy" across the entire sample, controlling for music (F=22.34, p <.01). This may be taken as a manipulation check, as the card pre-tested as "happiest" was highest in the experiment as well (4.2), followed by the cards pre-tested as neutral (3.3) and sad (2.5). However, controlling for cards, music did not produce significant variations (F=1.31, ns) in perceptions of card mood (H2).

Overall impressions of the three cards were not significant (F=1.10. ns). The musical background also had no significant impact (P=1.79, ns) on this measure of card attitude (H3). This was the one significant interaction effect found for music x cards (F=3.08, p=.05), which inhibits the ability to interpret the significance of main effects for this measure.

A cleaner and perhaps more useful pattern emerged for purchase intention. Cards did not differ overall in purchase intent (F=1.26, ns). However, the music background did make a difference (F=3.55, p <.05). Further, the multiple comparison results showed the cards appearing with sad music were significantly more likely to be selected (3.3) than those with happy music (2.4), while happy and no music (2.8) grouped together. Thus, H4 was confirmed.


Variations in the formal music structure of background music in commercials may have significant influence over the emotional responses of an audience. Prior research in consumer behavior had shown that varying specific background music selections along dimensions of familiarity and liking could affect responses to "advertised" products. The present paper extends the discussion to begin to examine what it is about the musical content that may lead to emotional and affective responses among consumers.

Equally liked musical backgrounds that differed in their profile of these structural elements were shown to affect audience moods in directions predictable from analysis of the musical structure, across a set of simulated greeting card advertisements. Simultaneous variation of the entire profile of elements precludes inferences from this study regarding their specific influence. While other research suggests the dominance of major vs. minor melodies, all else equal, it may be appropriate to extend the present work with carefully controlled manipulations of specific structural elements of music. To this end, the methodologies employed by Holbrook, et al. (e.g., 1981, 1988) may be productively used.

The effects of varying musical structure were less clearly demonstrated for subjects' perceptions of the greeting cards' moods and their stated liking for the cards. Some advocates of classical conditioning might criticize the use of a single exposure to the messages and lack of reinforcement. However, evidence of mood-induced conditioning is found in the effect on purchase intent. That this may occur in the absence of significant intervening effects on the perceived sadness and even stated liking for a card may be supportive of peripheral path processing in this setting. Given that the advertisements presented no verbal claims, motivation to process information via the central route may have been diminished. The presence of music that evokes emotions and other "non-informational" aspects of the ad may also stimulate peripheral processing. Accordingly, one might expect to find influence on behavior (here proxied by behavioral intent) without the necessity of intervening attribute perceptual changes or even significant changes in liking. Although these findings should be considered tentative, given the study's limitations, they were consistent with a conditioning perspective, and the views of those who would classify reactions to greeting card advertisements as a low cognitive involvement situation. If so, intervening cognitions might not be affected while behavioral intentions and perhaps behavior could be (Batra and Ray 1983; Krugman 1965; Robertson 1976; Zajonc 1968).

It was also interesting to note that sad music was more effective in influencing purchase intent than were happy music and silence. As noted earlier, research cited by Gardner (1985) has generally found positive correlations between mood inducers, moods, and a number of dependent variables such as evaluations. However, studies such as Cialdini and Kenrick (1976) found that older children were more generous when self- generated thought made them sad. As Gardner (1985), and Park and Young (1986) have stated, a key factor is the congruence between associated feelings and behaviors consistent with that advocated in a message. In this situation, college students may have responded more positively to sad emotional evocations (induced by music) in the context of sending greeting cards to distant friends (with messages like "missing you"). Hallmark and AT&T have used both verbal and nonverbal appeals to this market segment and situation. What the musical structure may have been able to do in this study was evoke a feeling of melancholy, which may have affectively linked the audience to responding positively to sending greeting cards which were associated with that feeling. Visits to an amusement park, on the other hand, may be more effectively advertised with happy music than with sad. Thus future research to test interaction, among music type, product, and situation may be fruitful.

Happy and sad may well be multidimensional constructs. Different gradations within these emotions may require different inducers and may in turn produce different responses and behavior. For example, there may be different kinds of sadness (or happiness), influenced by different factors, and may lead to different responses (relaxation after completion of a difficult task, expressions of joy, and the like). In addition, music has a host of elements that may be influential, beyond the musical structure. These include the words, artistic interpretation, specific memories that may be associated with the selection, type and period of music, and the interaction of all of these with the product and use-situation stressed in the advertisement. Additional research may eventually be able to decompose overall effects into elements of all of these components, taking into account the effect of moderator variables such as the audience demographics, personality and life-style, cognitive and affective involvement in the communication setting, and familiarity with the music. The tasks in pursuing these issues are considerable, but it seems worthwhile to decompose factors such as musical influence into theoretical elements and their combinations. It is encouraging in this process of inquiry to find that predictions from musical theory may be derived that show correspondence in the emotional responses of audiences. To the extent that this phenomenon might be validated in future experiments, it may be possible to provide better explanation of this source of emotional response to commercials, as well as-screen potential advertisements for predicted influences.


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